Counterspin: Gruevski has ruled “dictatorially”, we’ll see about the others

“A dictator” accuses others of dictatorship. Photo: VMRO-DPMNE’s website

Only the dictators vehemently refuse until the end to climb down from the throne and to accept that they must become opposition. There is a heap of explicit indicators for this which the domestic and the international enlightened public recognize

 

Only the dictators vehemently refuse until the end to climb down from the throne and to accept that they must become opposition. There is a heap of explicit indicators for this which the domestic and the international enlightened public recognize

 

Author: Teofil Blazhevski

 

Through his Facebook profile and his party’s website, VMRO-DPMNE’s leader Nikola Gruevski promulgated the following stand, which we consider a spin:

Spin: In a democratic society, the rule of the majority which is not based on the principle of the rule of law is actually “Dictatorship” and is called so. No single democratic government in the world should be elected by violating the principle of the rule of law. Such act is dictatorship from the very beginning. Talat Xhaferi entered the office of the president of the Parliament through brutal violation of the Constitution, the laws and Parliament’s Rules of Procedure. Everything that would be adopted in the future with his participation, signature or any kind of activity, will be a fruit of a poisoned tree, will be a fruit of a dictatorial act for appointing president of the Parliament. Many dictatorial governments have been recognized by democratic systems, for one reason or another. That won’t change the picture. Neither they had majority, as there are no minutes, there was no counting, there are no shorthand transcripts etc. for the illegal and unconstitutional act.

[Source: Gruevski’s Facebook status/VMRO-DPMNE’s websitedate: 03 May 2017]

Kontraspin - foto Vistinomer

Counterspin: Nikola Gruevski’s Facebook status intends to point out that the way Talat Xhafer was elected and inaugurated a president of the Parliament has been “brutal violation of the Constitution, the laws and Parliament’s Rules of Procedure” and also that this act has been a violation of the principle of the rule of law. “Such act is dictatorship from the very beginning” says Gruevski, while spinning that everything related to the election, including the future government, is illegal.

Gruevski, an MP in the Macedonian Parliament and an ex-PM, who had been ruling for approximately 10 years, forgets that there are plethora of examples which prove that he and the leadership of his party were in charge of the “the dictatorial” (actually, autocratic) conduct in all branches of government – the executive, the legislative and the judicial.

The president of the Supreme Court, Jovo Vangelovski, could have written ten more studies on whether the illegally obtained audio materials could be used as evidence in the judicial practice in Macedonia, but the enlightened public would still find it irrelevant, as the recordings of the phone conversations between Gruevski and the top of the executive power, all people from his party, are crystal clear evidence of how this country has been managed and ruled.

From slapping Žernovski three or for times in the face, through the awarding of coal excavation tender to “the one with the “Ibiza”, through “the running of s**t down Fiat Canoski’s trousers”, who had had his 60 million euro worth of investment demolished by dynamite, to the location of the buildings of the Agency for Audio and Audiovisual Media Services and the Agency for Electronic Communications, through the “residents over there who weren’t their voters anyway – were commies…

These examples are sufficient, although there are thousands more in the Special Prosecution Office’s vault. And when it comes to the SPO, Gruevski, directly or indirectly via his connections with the judiciary, is trying to hinder it to investigate all violations of laws and to prove how this country has been ruled without adherence to the rule of law and contrary to the laws, to prove corruption and crime in the highest echelons of power, but also to prove indirectly who had been ruling “dictatorially”.

But, even if we go back to the basic point of Gruevski’s spin, the election of Talat Xhaferi, you won’t notice the entire context. And the context itself is highly important, because if somebody, in this case Gruevski, finds countless ways to prevent the transfer of power, although there is clearly declared parliamentary majority that waits to be entrusted with the mandate for formation of government, then such person is acting dictatorially.

Because only the dictators vehemently refuse until the end to climb down from the throne and to accept that they must become opposition. Were, according to Gruevski, the majority and the citizens that have voted for that majority supposed, for the sake of the democratic procedures, to wait years and watch how he and his MPs are abusing the platform? Is that a democratic procedure?

Every enlightened person in this country and in the world has figured all of this out. The messages that it’s inadmissible to put the country in captivity only because some politicians don’t want to transfer the power have been clearly pointed out to Gruevski by the entire domestic and foreign democratically-oriented public. All tricks for defending the country from some kind of a secret plan for destruction of VMRO-DPMNE and Gruevski so the name [of the country] can be changed, were, and still are cheap but dangerous spins.

Hence, Gruevski’s stance that Talat Xhaferi’s election has been an act of “dictatorship” is unambiguous spin.

 

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This article was created within the framework of the Project to increase the accountability of the politicians and political parties Truthmeter implemented by Metamorphosis. The article is made possible by the generous support of the National Endowment for Democracy(NED) and The Balkan Trust for Democracy (BTD), a project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, an initiative that supports democracy, good governance, and Euroatlantic integration in Southeastern Europe. The content is the responsibility of its author and does not necessarily reflect the views of Metamorphosis, National Endowment for Democracy, the Balkan Trust for Democracy, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, or its partners.

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