Wiretapping scandal set 28: ASCI/SGS

 

 

During the presentation of the conversations from this set, which are dedicated mainly to Kavadarci, the president of the Basic Organization (BO) of SDSM in Kavadarci, Zoran Gjorgjiev, besides evidence for misuses of private firms in Kavadarci for the sake of VMRO-DPMNE, also presented recordings as evidence about who is actually behind the Security Group Services (SGS) private security agency.

In the first conversation between Mile Janakieski and Aleksandar Panov, mayor of Kavadarci, we hear that the Local committees of VMRO-DPMNE, coordinated by the mayor, are ordered to cover the walls of Kavadarci with posters and also to hand out propaganda material during the pre-election silence. Then we hear the order for everyone from the Municipal Committee, both the presidents and the leaderships of the Local Committees, to go and vote no later than 9AM, then their relatives should vote no later than 10AM, and after them, it’s the party employees’ turn. We hear that this was VMRO-DPMNE’s routine.

Next, we hear another conversation between these two interlocutors, from which we find out about the rather serious debt to the wine-growers, arising from the sale of “Vineja”, causing the wine-growers to protest. Later on, we hear Panov saying that the councilors’ list of his party, VMRO-DPMNE, “is not pretty”, i.e. those who are valuable for the party, according to him, are retrograded, despite their immense past and present engagements for the party.

In the third conversation from this set, Panov is talking with Zoran Stavreski, who informs the mayor that Zoran Zaev is visiting Kavadarci and the “IGM” factory. Stavreski asks whether a meeting with the owner of the factory, Gechev, a day after Zaev’s visit, can be arranged “in order to cover up Zaev’s visit”.

Afterwards, we hear two conversation between Mile Janakieski and Aleksandar Panov, from which we find out that there have been “persuasions” and pressures towards owners of private firms to instruct their employees to vote for VMRO-DPMNE. Panov explains that a certain company – owning supermarkets in Kavadarci has been employing members of VMRO-DPMNE. Next, we hear how the owner of “Kozhuvchanka”, “crisscrosses” with VMRO-DPMNE, visits the homes of his employees requesting from them to vote for VMRO-DPMNE, after he previously pledged that he is going to work for VMRO-DPMNE during the elections.

The following three conversations are between Vlatko Mijalkov and Kire Shoshev who, as Zoran Gjorgjiev said in this press conference, is a well-known businessman, employed in the Ministry of Defence and owner of 1/3 of the land in Rosoman. Mijalkov solicits assistance from Shoshev regarding the objects owned by the Army of the Republic of Macedonia (ARM) in Kavadarci, so they can be taken over by his close friends. In the first conversation out of these three, we find out where the interested person can get the key for the object, even prior the decision for leasing the object. In the last conversation from this set, we hear the confirmation that the superintendent of the police in Kavadarci was appointed upon the party order of VMRO-DPMNE.

Later, we hear a conversation between Janakieski and Panov. Only two days prior the first round of the local elections, Panov informs Janakieski that the submitted his resignation from the mayor’s position to the Ministry of Local Self-governance. This is actually the confirmation about Panov’s resignation, for which the public was not informed. In the second conversation between Janakieski and Martin Protugjer, the then Minister reveals that he gave the order for hiding Panov’s resignation from the public.

The following conversations unveil a plethora of things regarding SGS. In the first conversation we hear Sasho Mijalkov, the director of Administration for Security and Counterintelligence (ASCI), alongside with Slobodan Nikolovski – Cobe, one of the key persons in the Agency, made sure that SGS is going to win the tenders for protection of a gret number of state institutions and state companies, or companies in which the government has more than 51%. Mijalkov tells Nikolovski that he made contact with Zoran Konjanovski and told him to deliver the tender documentation to Nikolovski, as Mijalkov says, “in order to prepare the strategy”.

In the second conversation, both interlocutors coordinate the prices that SGS security agency has to accept for the contract with T-Mobile. Mijalkov instructs to “show higher non-flexibility and more stiffness”, but all of this should be also coordinated with the executive director of T-Mobile Macedonia, Zharko Lukovski. Nikolovski says Lukovski should call him and confirm the exact price. In the third conversation, Mijalkov informs that he has already talked with Zharko Lukovski in order to check if he can ask a higher price, but he is still awaiting for a response due to the time difference. From this conversation we find out that Mijalkov is owner of SGS, and that is evident from his decisions regarding the vehicle procurement for SGS – the type of vehicles and where to procure them from. In the fourth conversation from this set Mijalkov and Nikolovski arrange a meeting in which they are going to talk about SGS’s expenses. In the same conversation, Mijalkov confirms that his friends from the Albafon mobile operator should conclude a contract with SGS as well. However, certain changes are needed in the contract with Telekom in order to realize this deal with Albafon. Mijalkov also says that he is going to talk with Zharko Lukovski about the possibility for changes in the contract with T-Mobile, so SGS would be able to conclude the contract with Albafon. The final conversation from this set shows that Mijalkov arranges other tenders for SGS via other Ministers in Gruevski’s government.

The following conversations reveal that Mijalkov can determine who can be employed in SGS and who can be sacked, as well as the confirmation that this security agency is working for the interests of VMRO-DPMNE. In the first conversation from this group we hear the reaction of Musa Djaferi from DUI, because the security agency has employed DPA’s members. Mijalkov says that everyone can be from DUI if needed, “just give me the names, and they will be removed”. In the next conversation we hear that the list of the “illegible” persons from DPA is delivered, but we also hear that Becho wanted to get rid of somebody with whom he has had a serious family problem, therefore he presented him as a member of DPA. Moreover, we hear that VMRO-DPMNE must secure job positions for members of DUI in SGS, so DUI would secure votes for VMRO-DPMNE. “This is an enormous party interest” Mijalkov says.

Then, we hear that Mijalkov has arranged a meeting with businessmen from a neighboring country about SGS – in his office in the ASCI. Mijalkov has engaged himself to protect the prestige of SGS, so he reacts at Dejan Mitrovski – Urko from Gruevski’s personal security guard, because his threats reached the ears “of SDS”.

Afterwards we hear his interest about an intervention of SGS on Mount Vodno, at a construction site, we hear him defining what they should be done regarding SGS’ vehicles, his interest about the problem with “Mashinopromet”… all of this shows that he wants to be informed about everything about the SGS agency, which is actually expected from an owner or main controller on behalf of VMRO-DPMNE…

 

All of the “bombs” are here

 

Press conference of Zoran Gjorgjiev, president of BO SDSM – Kavadarci, 30th of April 2015


This article was created within the framework of the Project to increase the accountability of the politicians and political parties Truthmeter implemented by Metamorphosis. The article is made possible by the generous support of the National Endowment for Democracy(NED) and The Balkan Trust for Democracy (BTD), a project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, an initiative that supports democracy, good governance, and Euroatlantic integration in Southeastern Europe. The content is the responsibility of its author and does not necessarily reflect the views of Metamorphosis, National Endowment for Democracy, the Balkan Trust for Democracy, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, or its partners.

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