Wiretapping scandal set 22: Concealing property and revealing hatred
This conversation set is dedicated to the VMRO-DPMNE’s inroads in the autonomy of the Goce Delchev University, misusing it for the party’s and for personal interests of individuals from VMRO-DPMNE. It is also dedicated to the pressures upon firms and businessmen in Shtip to work for the government.
The first conversation is between Antonio Miloshoski and Sasha Mitrev, the rector of the university in Shtip, in which they talk about a man who spoke on Miloshoski’s behalf and wanted to be employed in the university. The interlocutors arrange how to realize all this – first that man will work as a volunteer and later he will be taken into consideration for a paid job.
The second conversation is between two members of VMRO-DPMNE, Silvana Boneva and Nadica Tancheva – Tulieva, and they are arranging to enroll Boneva as a student at the Goce Delchev University. Boneva herself says that the whole idea is really shameful, whereas Tancheva convinces her that “she will push the thing through”. “The enrollment” will be arranged by people close to the government.
Afterwards, we hear another conversation between Boneva and Tancheva, who refers to the mayor of Shtip at that time, Zorancho Aleksov, as a lunatic. He also started to behave as a Janissary, and we find this out from the conversation between Vancho Kostadinov, current deputy Minister of Agriculture, and a director of the Central Register of Republic of Macedonia at that time, and Vlatko Mijalkov. According to Mijalkov, Aleksov is a “weird person” and, as he says, he was also considered as “a bit crazy”. In the next conversation, led between Janakieski and Aleksandar Nikoloski, we can hear that NIkoloski considers Ilcho Zahariev as an “extreme crook”, but has the highest ratings despite that, and Janakieski replies that Ilcho Zahariev has the highest ratings because he does not get into arguments, and he does not provoke, yet he does “ass-kissing all the time”.
In the following conversation we hear that on the Election Day in 2013, Nikola Gruevski requested, via his secretary, to speed up the action in Shtip, especially with the neutral voters, so “everyone would be taken to the polling stations”, in accordance with VMRO-DPMNE’s lists.
Afterwards, we hear that Vancho Kostadinov, as a director of the Central Register of Republic of Macedonia, makes plan with Mile Janakieski to send the retired persons abroad two days prior the local elections, and to stall them at the border, so they won’t reach the polling stations on time.
Next, we hear a conversation showing that once again people are being employed solely through the party, and how they first determine a list with names, and then “the personnel office” announces an open call for new job positions based on that list.
Then, from the following conversations between Kostadinov and Janakieski, we find out that those people who refuse to succumb to VMRO-DPMNE, i.e. the owner of “Vago Petrol”, Istatov, and who do not cave in after numerous calls “will get what they deserve”. Janakieski says that “Vago Petrol” is going to see guns, referring to the owner’s statement “I refuse, even if you put a gun on my head”. In the next conversation, the mayor of Shtip, Aleksov, and Vlatko Mijalkov arrange which businessmen should be pressured, and which, as they say, should be annihilated.
Later on, in a conversation between Jankuloska and Stavreski we hear what they think about the Minister of Health Nikola Todorov, but also about the health care system in general. They say that Nikola Todorov made the most strategic mistakes and the health care system represents the greatest problem in the country. Also, Todorov caused the same problems in the Ministry of Education and Science, but the problems could not escalate due to the lack of time. Stavreski states that these are major problems for the party too – and Jankuloska agrees, and then Stavreski says that nobody from the party’s crown sees things objectively, yet they sweep the problems under the carpet. Then, we hear Stavreski expressing his wrath because “Spire and Kire” “roast” every Minister, and he is the one with most responsibilities.
These conversations also reveal that the mutual hatred was present everyday among the Ministers in Gruevski’s government. We hear Stavreski’s and Jankuloska’s opinion about Mile Janakieski; how things with the Turkish company TAV are miscarried; they refer to Janakieski as a “piece of s**t”, “a bastard, just a poor copy made by this guy Nikola”, he was “like a small child” in China. Jankuloska says that he is an immature character, that he tried to persuade her to perpetrate crime, soliciting to do the trick for people close to him.
Afterwards, Jankuloska and Janakieski talk about Silvana Boneva, who was calling other Ministers because the wall of the Macedonian National Theatre was not parallel…
After this conversation, we hear other ones between Jankuloska and Martin Protugjer – in the first, they make fun of Liljana Popovska, whereas in the second one they talk about Antonio Miloshoski’s secret house built in a Mediterranean style. Protugjer talks about Miloshoski’s embezzlements regarding the building plot, and also about registering Miloshoski’s apartments as if they were acquired prior the beginning of the mandate, which actually was bought later. Both interlocutors are puzzled by Miloshoski’s decision to hide that he is building a house.
Next, we hear that they are again puzzled because the Trade Union of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs supported the strike of the doctors, but we also hear the conclusion – the situation is such because there isn’t a proper “stud” in the Ministry to fix the situation. Then, Jankuloska and Stavreski gossip about Vladimir Peshevski, i.e. “Hippo”, who did not know “what is Kumanovo, and what is Strumica”. In the following conversation, Stavreski is extremely angry at Peshevski because he lapsed about an exclusive thing at an event with three chambers of commerce. The Minister of Finance says that this move is utterly perfidious because he rushed to reveal how the debts to the companies will be repaid. However, he also reveals that he secured a new, 250 million euro worth credit, which will be presented in front of the firms and the citizens right before the elections, so “the public will be convinced” in the “positive measures” of VMRO-DPMNE. “Where was this bastard to make a statement about the recession”, “he is really mean, vicious and rude”, says Stavreski with an angry tone.
In the next conversation, they also “treat” the high politicians from DUI with epithets, but we hear that those who are lucky enough to be visited by Gruevski will receive everything they want, and the ones who desperately need help are forgotten and left in hot water.
The conversation which we hear next reveals that even members of the special police forces want to go to Afghanistan as mercenaries and strings are pulled for issuing permissions> how even the President Ivanov pulled strings so members of his personal security guard can go to Afghanistan. “We won’t appear as a serious country, they flee. How are we going to justify ourselves as a political party, they will say that even those who are at the…” Stavreski says. We also find out from this conversation that the brother of Jankuloska’s husband, who got a job after Jankuloska pulled some strings, will also go to Afghanistan for “moonlighting”, but he would take unpaid vacation.
Press conference of Vladimir Miloshev, president of the Basic organization of SDSM in Shtip, in Shtip, 18th of April 2015
This article was created within the framework of the Project to increase the accountability of the politicians and political parties Truthmeter implemented by Metamorphosis. The article is made possible by the generous support of the National Endowment for Democracy(NED) and The Balkan Trust for Democracy (BTD), a project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, an initiative that supports democracy, good governance, and Euroatlantic integration in Southeastern Europe. The content is the responsibility of its author and does not necessarily reflect the views of Metamorphosis, National Endowment for Democracy, the Balkan Trust for Democracy, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, or its partners.